Congressman Tom Lantos (D-California), ranking Democrat on the House International Relations Committee, said historians will regard July 26 as the day Congress signals the end of the Cold War paradigm governing relations between India and the United States.
The following is the text of his remarks introducing on the floor of the 435-member House of Representatives the legislation marked House Resolution 5682, 'US and India Nuclear Cooperation Promotion Act' that he co-authored with HIRC chairman Henry J Hyde (R-Illinois):
'Mr. Chairman, this is no ordinary vote. Historians will regard what we do today as a tidal shift in relations between India and the United States. This will be known as the day when Congress signaled definitively the end of the Cold War paradigm governing interactions between New Delhi and Washington.'
A few weeks ago, by a vote of 37 to 5, the International Relations Committee resoundingly approved this legislation backing the civilian nuclear accord with India. This was nothing short of a vote of confidence in the long-term future of relations between India and the United States.
President Clinton laid the foundation for this process with his historic trip to India six years ago. He demonstrated that the United States was launching a new era of mutual respect and cooperation.
A year ago, this vision was brought to full realization as the President and Prime Minister Singh issued a joint statement on an array of new initiatives, spanning the fields of high technology, space exploration, counter-terrorism, defense cooperation and energy security.
Today, Mr Chairman, the House of Representatives steps forth into the spotlight to offer its judgment on one critical element of this new relationship. The "United States and India Nuclear Cooperation Promotion Act of 2006" -- the first key step to create the statutory authority to expand nuclear research, civilian nuclear power and nonproliferation cooperation with New Delhi.
Our legislation represents a nonproliferation victory for the United States. As part of the agreement, India has committed to continue its moratorium on its own nuclear tests. It will also adhere to international nuclear and missile control restrictions, and India has agreed to place its civil nuclear facilities for the first time under international safeguards.
Mr Chairman, this, of course, is not a perfect agreement. No agreement between two sovereign nations can ever be perfect because the agreements arise from hard negotiations. Compromise was necessary on all sides. But we must not let the siren song of perfection deafen us to this chance for dramatically strengthening an important and valued ally.
I understand the criticisms of this agreement on nonproliferation grounds. But I would like to assure the House that the International Relations Committee has thoroughly examined these issues during our five extensive hearings since last September on this initiative.
And Mr Chairman, our bill addresses those concerns thoroughly. It requires the President to make several determinations to Congress. Among these, the President must determine:
· that India has concluded a credible plan to separate civilian and military nuclear facilities;
· that India has concluded a safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency that will apply safeguards in perpetuity to India's civil nuclear facilities, materials and programs;
· that India is harmonizing its export control laws and regulations to match those of the so-called Nuclear Suppliers Group; and
· that India is actively supporting US efforts to conclude a fissile material cutoff treaty.
It is worth repeating, Mr. Chairman, that the International Relations Committee came to the determination that this agreement advances our nation's nonproliferation goals, and our committee approved the bill by an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 37 to 5.
Mr Speaker, this legislation has been carefully crafted to protect our nonproliferation interests and to ensure direct Congressional oversight.
Members will recall that the Administration wanted Congress to approve the India deal in advance, without seeing the details of a still-to-be-negotiated nuclear cooperation agreement. There would have been no effective subsequent review by the Congress.
We rejected that approach. Our agreement ensures that Congress will have the final word on whether or not the agreement for cooperation with India can become law.
Under our approach, Congress must vote a second time before there can be any civilian nuclear cooperation with India. Congress must approve the completed cooperation agreement.
But Congressional oversight doesn't end there, Mr. Chairman. Our legislation also requires that the President make detailed annual reports on US nonproliferation policy with respect to South Asia and the implementation of the U.S.-India agreement.
And it includes certain guarantees that India will adhere to international standards for maintaining a safe civilian nuclear program. Mr Chairman, it is my deep pleasure to see the United States and India finally emerging from decades of distrust and aloofness. Today, we are at a hinge of history, as we seek to build a fundamentally new relationship based on our common values and our common interests.
Our legislation which is before this House is a concrete and meaningful element of this new and dynamic relationship. I urge my colleagues to give their full support to this legislation and to help usher in a new day in US-India relations.
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